THE VICTORIA VOLTIGEURS
B. A. MCKELVIE. COBBLE HILL, B.C.
WILLARD E. IRELAND. PROVINCIAL ARCHIVES
B.C. Historical Quarterly Vol XX, Nos 3 an 4, July-October 1956
In the good old days of Victoria, if five or ten years ago can be called old days, a corps of ” Invincibles ” was formed here, composed of eleven Kanakas and two negroes… It was found that our diminutive Colonial exchequer was much too small to support such an immense standing army, and they were consequently disbanded.[1]
This intriguing reference to the Victoria Voltigeurs has been overlooked, for the most part, in the story of early military activity in British Columbia. Yet this was the first body of resident men to be raised for the defence of the diminutive Colony of Vancouver Island. It was trained as a militia unit, it campaigned throughout the colony and underwent hardship and danger to afford protection to the settlers and more particularly to guard Fort Victoria from attack by native warriors.
The Colony of Vancouver Island, created in 1849 by the grant of the island to the Hudson’s Bay Company, was not only a remote and isolated outpost of empire, but also relatively insignificant—in population, if not in size. However, larger imperial considerations having in view the expansionist activity of the United States had dictated its establishment, and it was endowed with all the appurtenances of colonial government of that day. A Royal Governor, independent of the Hudson’s Bay Company, was appointed, and in due course, in March 1850, Richard Blanshard reached Fort Victoria to assume office. The trials and tribulations of his governorship need not here be detailed[2] except in so far as they relate to the problem of defence.[3] Suffice it to say that he found himself in an awkward position since so much of the real authority was vested in Chief Factor James Douglas, responsible for the management of the company’s affairs in the colony.
Shortly after his arrival in the colony, Governor Blanshard visited Fort Rupert, where coal-mining operations had been undertaken by the company, and there he came face to face with the conflict in authority between the Crown and the company inherent in the colonial arrangements. In July, 1850, it became known that three deserters from the Norman Morison had been murdered by the Newitty Indians near Fort Rupert, a situation which led the Governor not only to visit the northern post again in October, but also to begin his struggle to secure suitable defence arrangements.
When reporting this incident to the home government in August, Blanshard pointed out that the ” want of force ” had prevented him from attempting to capture the murderers, and that ” the only safeguard of the Colony consists in the occasional visits of the cruizers of the Pacific Squadron, which only occur at rare intervals, and for short call.”[4] The following month the Governor pursued further the matter of the defenceless state of the colony:
“I would beg to press on your Lordship’s consideration, the necessity of protecting this Colony by a garrison of regular troops, in preference to a body of pensioners, for as the principal service that they would be called on to perform would be lo repress and over-awe the natives a moveable force would be necessary and I think that Marines would be better calculated for the duty than Troops of the Line. Two Companies would be sufficient of which a detachment would be stationed at Fort Rupert, and the remainder near Victoria a cantonment might easily be formed on the plains near Esquimalt Harbour . . . the Troops if landed in the Spring, could easily complete their own barracks before the rainy season… The expense of maintaining a garrison would be inconsiderable and there are ample funds for the purpose…”[5]
This request fell on deaf ears. Not only was the Governor informed that it was ” not in the power of Her Majesty’s Government to maintain a detachment of regular Troops to garrison the Island,” but he was also politely reprimanded for his handling of the incident and told that ” Her Majesty’s Government cannot undertake to protect, or attempt to punish injuries committed upon, British subjects, who, voluntarily expose themselves to the violence or treachery of the Native Tribes at a distance from the Settlements.”[6]
Douglas shared with the Governor the difficult and at times embarrassing situation, as he succinctly pointed out to Governor George Simpson in May 1851:
“True it is we differ in opinion as to public matters—as for example he is anxious to have a military force stationed on the Island—which is unquestionably a proper measure, but as an agent of the Company who would have to maintain that force, I have endeavoured to show that there was no positive necessity for it.”[7]
That he was not completely unsympathetic to the Governor’s request is demonstrated by the proposal he put forward for the company’s consideration:
“I have done everything in my power to meet Governor Blanshard’s views and to support his authority in the Colony; but there are certain points on which we may be allowed to differ in opinion without necessarily involving a breach of harmony. The Governor for instance was always opposed on public grounds to the reserves of land held for the two Company’s and in favour of having a military force in the colony for the protection of the inhabitants and in reference to these subjects he still maintains the same opinion, while I am bound as a servant of the Company to follow the Committees instructions and to study on every point to protect their interests.—It was with the object of meeting Governor Blanshard’s views without materially compromising the interest of the Company that I took the liberty of recommending the formation of a rural police to be effected by granting a certain number of 20 acre lots on the Fur Trade Reserve to the Company’s retiring servants, a measure which I still hope the Committee may sanction as it will meet the demand for protection at very small expense. . . . Petty depredations are occasionally committed by the Indians which no vigilance can altogether prevent but no overt attempt at violence has been made on the persons or property of the white inhabitants by the Indians of this part of Vancouvers Island”.[8]
Such was the genesis of the Victoria Voltigeurs. They were formed to act as military police. Their numbers were largely recruited from French-Canadian half-breeds, some with Iroquois blood in their veins, who had crossed the continent as boatmen and canoe men in the service of the fur company and who upon retirement had been settled in a village located on the Colquitz River near its entrance into Portage Inlet, if we are to judge by Douglas’s instructions to the Colonial Surveyor in 1859:
“As I before explained to you verbally—before 51, a Canadian Village, for defence against Indians, was established on the Portage Inlet, with a guarantee to each settler of a free Grant of 20 (twenty) acres of Land each. Of those settlers I consider Three in number viz. Nicholas Auger I. B. Jollibois and John Lemon entitled to the Grant and I desire that you will arrange the Books and Issue Indentures accordingly.”[9]
When Douglas succeeded Blanshard as Governor in September 1851, he inherited this force and decided to maintain it. From that time onwards there are frequent entries concerning it in an account book headed ” Hudson’s Bay Company Accounts with Government Departments,” in which the financial affairs of the colony are tabulated. Under the heading ” Militia ” are itemized the charges for the ” Victoria Voltigeurs,” to which title and dignity Blanshard’s ” rural police ” had been advanced.
But on what was probably the first serious task set before them, the Voltigeurs failed to distinguish themselves, which no doubt accounts for the fact that in the official record they appear only as ” the retinue ” of a constable. This incident, so typical of the times, occurred in March, 1852, and as described by Douglas hi an official dispatch to the Colonial Office deserves to be recorded in detail.
“A difficulty which nearly led to a fatal affray with the Songies Tribe, occurred last month, in consequence of an attempt that was made to apprehend an individual of that nation, who was accused of having slaughtered several head of neat cattle and sheep belonging to a settler.
Two Indians were in succession charged with the offence, one of whom was captured without difficulty, and brought in by the peace officer, intrusted with the execution of the warrant, but in attempting afterwards to apprehend the other offender, who had taken refuge in the principal Songies Village near Victoria, the Constable and his retinue of ten men, were surrounded by a tumultuous throng of armed Indians; who set him at defiance, and were only restrained at the point of the Bayonet from rushing in, and disarming his party, who were consequently compelled to retire in disorder without having executed the warrant and with the loss of two muskets and a Boat, which remained in the hands of the Indians.
As soon as that outrage was reported I sent a second party to demand, of the Songies, the Boat and Muskets, they had so lawlessly seized, on pain of being punished if they objected to restore them; but the mission proved abortive. They refused to give up the property unless the Indian, who had been apprehended in the morning on the charge of cattle lifting, and who still remained in custody, was set at liberty. Although very unwilling to proceed to extremity with those Indians, who have been uniformly friendly I could not allow Her Majesty’s authority to be thus treated with contempt, and the law set at open defiance, without a neglect of duty, and incurring greater evils than those which it was sought to avert. Before resorting to coercive measures I however resolved to try the effect of a demonstration, and with that view ordered out a few guns, and directed the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Steam Vessel ” Beaver ” to be anchored abreast of the village, in a position from whence it could be attacked to advantage, and in course of two hours our preparations were completed.
In the mean time there was much excitement and alarm among the Indians, the women and children were flying in all directions while the men appeared to look unmoved upon the scene of danger, but they had also had time for reflection, on the consequences of pushing the matter further, and to my great relief sent a messenger to beg that proceedings might be stayed, as they had resolved to end the dispute by restoring the Boat and Muskets, which were immediately given up. It being then late in the evening, nothing further could be done; and the following morning the Songies Chief, a well disposed Indian, made proffers of compensation for the cattle that had been slaughtered by his people; which were accepted and quiet was restored.”[10]
At this time Douglas warned the home authorities that similar difficulties were likely to occur and suggested that stationing one of H.M. ships at Victoria or Esquimalt might ” prevent much future evil and in the end be a great saving of expense.”[11] His prognostication was soon proven correct, for later that year a more serious difficulty arose. On November 5, 1852, Peter Brown, a shepherd employed by the Hudson’s Bay Company at its sheep station at Christmas Hill in Saanich, was murdered by two Indians. Douglas was determined that no time should be lost in bringing the murderers to justice. By the end of December, the suspects had been identified as a leading Cowichan brave and the son of a Nanaimo chief. Fortunately, H.M.S. Thetis, commanded by Captain A. L. Kuper, had arrived at Esquimalt in the interim and afforded the Governor the opportunity of requisitioning a naval force in aid of the civil power. Captain Kuper placed 130 seamen and marines under the command of Lieutenant Arthur Sansum and Lieutenant John Moresby at the Governor’s disposal.[12] To this imposing array Douglas added the services of the Voltigeurs.
Early in January this force was embarked on the Hudson’s Bay Company’s brigantine Recovery and the steamer Beaver with the launch, barge, and pinnace of the Thetis in tow. On January 6 they anchored off the mouth of the Cowichan River, and Douglas sent a messenger to the Indians asking them to meet with him to settle the difference. Douglas dramatically recounts the next phase of the venture:
I received their answer the same evening accepting the invitation and expressing wish to meet me the following day near the mouth of the River. The disembarkation of the Force was made early the following morning, and we took post on a commanding position at the appointed place fully armed and prepared for whatever might happen. In the course of two hours the Indians began to drop down the River in their war canoes, and landed a little above the position we occupied: and last of all arrived two large canoes crowded with the relatives and friends of the murderer, hideously painted, and evidently prepared to defend him to the last extremity; the criminal himself being among the number. On landing they made a furious dash towards the point which I occupied, a little in advance of the Force and their demeanour was altogether so hostile that the marines were with difficulty restrained from opening a fire upon them. When the first excitement had a little abated, the murderer was brought into my presence and I succeeded after a good deal of trouble, in taking him quietly into custody; and sent him a close prisoner on board the steam vessel.[13]
Having thus successfully accomplished the first phase of its objective, the force was re-embarked and moved up to Nanaimo, where it arrived on January 9. Again, Douglas called upon the Indians to surrender the murderer. At first, they consented but then changed their minds and offered to ransom his life by the payment of furs. To this proposition Douglas could not assent, and a full-scale search for the murderer was then undertaken. Eventually his place of hiding became known, and Douglas gives the following terse account of the termination of the affair:
“We then learned that the murderer had left the River, and was concealed in the woods, on the seacoast, about 3 miles distant. The pinnance was immediately despatched with 16 seamen, and 9 half whites, towards that point where his place of refuge was soon discovered and after a long chase in the woods in which the half whites, took a principal part, the wretched man, was captured, and taken on board the Steamer ” Beaver.” The Force was withdrawn the same day from the River, without molesting or doing any damage whatever to the other Natives. The two criminals being now in our possession were brought to trial, and found guilty of murder, by a Jury composed of the officers present. They were sentenced to be hanged, and the execution took place in the presence of the whole tribe, the scene appearing to make a deep impression upon their minds, and will I trust have the effect of restraining others from crime”.[14]
The trial on board the Beaver was a historic one, and the two Indians have the melancholy distinction of being the first persons in British Columbia to be condemned by a jury and sentenced to death. The execution took place on January 17 on the point of Protection Island, at the entrance to Nanaimo Harbour, known to this day as Gallows Point.[15] Two days later the force arrived back at Esquimalt and the incident was ended.
Douglas was highly complimentary of the services that had been rendered. In his diary, following the entry for January 14, there is his address to the troops on this occasion, in which he said:
I assure you that I am delighted with you all; the alacrity and promptitude you have shown on all occasions, when danger appeared, deserve my warmest thanks as well as your kindness & forbearance in the hour of victory. I am highly pleased with your conduct and shall ever remember it with pride and gratitude as our victory has not been sullied by a single act of cruelty.[16]
And in particular he was pleased with the conduct of the Voltigeurs, who were, of course, the ” half whites ” to which he refers. After the capture of the Cowichan murderer on January 7, Douglas wrote a full report on the expedition to the senior member of the Legislative Council of Vancouver Island, John Tod, in which he pointed out:
“The officers and men under his [Lieutenant Sansum] command here won my thanks; not only by their steadiness and discipline, but also by their promptitude and alacrity in the field, and I am happy to say that our little corps of colonial volitigeurs [sic] imitated their noble example.”[17]
It had been, however, a costly undertaking, as the following summary from the detailed accounts[18] would indicate.
Charged to Militia Account.
“For these equipments to the Men enlisted for the expedition to Cowetchin ” £60/0/9
” Paid the following Men enlisted in the Voltigeur Corps, for 18 days Service in the Cowetchin Expedition ” 37/10/0 “
Steamer Beaver For Charter from 1st to 18th Jany inclusive conveying Expedition to and from Cowetchin ” 96/15/0 “
Brigtn Recovery For Charter from 1st to 18th Jany inclusive conveying Expedition to & from Cowetchin ” 60/9/9 “
Paid for prizes to best marksmen ” 3/16/7 “
Cash pd Timothy Blayan for Services at Cowetchin ” 2/18/4 “
Supplied to the Voltigeurs and Naval officers employed in the Expedition ” 73/8/3 “
For the following provisions supplied the Volunteers with Governor Douglas on the Cowetchin Expedition ” 5/16/9
“To Puget Sound Agricultl Compy For the following Supplied the Brigtn ‘Recovery’ from Esquimalt Farm for the Cowetshin Expedition per order of Governor Douglas
” 25/4/0 365/19/5 Less overcharge on charter of Steamer Beaver 7/17/3 £358/2/2
Judging from the detailed accounts rendered, no expense had been spared for either equipment or provisions. No doubt the exalted presence of the Governor as Commander-in-Chief added to the importance of the adventure. The list of stores for the commissariat was ample and the supplies of the best quality the colony could provide. No fewer than twenty-four sheep were taken along for the general fare and four more for the officers’ mess, and there were barrels of salt beef, salt salmon, and 37 pounds of fresh beef. There was coarse flour and fine white flour, coarse sugar and fine sugar, potatoes, and 400 pounds of sea biscuits, to mention but a few items. The officers must have fared well. Including all who would have been eligible to dine at the officers’ mess, from the Governor and the naval Lieutenants down to the mates of the Beaver and the Recovery, there would not have been more than a dozen persons. Their larder included such items as prunes, currants, raisins, brown and white sugar, two brands of tea, coffee, fine butter from Craigflower farm, smoked hams, and other dainties to stimulate their appetites. And to make such fare palatable there were 16 gallons of cognac brandy, 8 gallons of sherry, 8 gallons of port wine, 48 gallons of gin, and, to top it off, 500 Havana cigars.[19]
There is some confusion in the records as to the exact number of Voltigeurs used in the Cowichan expedition. In his report to the secretary of the Hudson’s Bay Company, Douglas referred to ” a body of 11 half whites, enlisted in the Colony for that service,”[20] but only ten names appear in the accounting records of ” equipments to the Men enlisted for the expedition to Cowetchin,”[21] namely: Basil (or Baptiste) Bottineau,[22] Timothy Blayan, George Bouche, Joseph Charbonneau,[23] W. Hutson, Tapisse Montigny, Louis Montret, James Newbird,[24] Francois Satakarata,[25] Pierre Versailles. However, in the subsequent pay-list for ” men enlisted hi the Voltigeurs Corps, for 18 days Service in the Cowetchin Expedition ” the name of Pierre Versailles is omitted but that of Thomas Quontany (or Quamtany), an interpreter, has been added. The rate of pay was $1 per day, except for Bottineau, who, as sergeant, received $1.50 a day, and the interpreter, who received a similar amount.[26]
The Voltigeurs were a proud-looking lot, for on leaving Victoria for Cowichan they had been provided with new uniforms. To start at the top, each man had a tasseled blue cap, a white regatta shirt, and a blue ” capot ” or military overcoat, buckskin trousers, long worsted stockings, boots and mocassins as the occasion might require. A broad scarlet belt or sash was provided, to which was attached the powder-horn, and each man had a trade gun. To add glamour, yards of bright ribbon and tinsel hat-cord had been provided for attachment to any part of the uniform.[27] All of which made for colour but with little consideration for camouflage.
The lesson given to the local tribes by this punitive expedition into the Cowichan and Nanaimo districts was a deterrent for a time, but it did not provide dependable security, and for a long time to come the colonists were not entirely free from the haunting terror of savage attack. The situation was further aggravated when northern Indians, from as far away as Alaska, began to arrive in large numbers. Douglas, ever alert to the danger, outlined the problem in a long letter to Archibald Barclay, London secretary of the Hudson’s Bay Company, in June 1854:[28]
“. . . great and dangerous excitements have arisen, among the Natives, who have congregated in large bodies this season in the settlements, to which they have been drawn from almost every part of the coast between this place and the 57th degree of north latitude, by the prospect of obtaining employment as labourers, and procuring by their industry supplies of clothing for themselves and families. The settlements have in fact been overrun by those wild migrations. Under proper restraints their labour would advance the interests of the Colony; but from their turbulent theivish [sic] disposition, it is impossible to prevent discord, arising between them and the white settlers and I would therefore rather dispense with their presence.”
Douglas then cited a specific incident. A Tongass chief had been slain in Washington Territory and, in consequence, several hundred of his angry compatriots had retired to Victoria from Puget Sound. Despite their ugly mood, Douglas met with them and ” enjoined them to remain quiet, and not to raise a hand against any white man, whether on the British or American side of the Straits.” But his advice was not accepted, and an outbreak did occur.
“About noon on the 26th of May, Thomas Grenham, arrived from the Cadboro Bay Farm, in a state of great alarm, with a report that the place had been attacked and taken by several hundred Indians, and that he had with difficulty escaped from their hands. While mustering and arming the people, I hastened to the spot, with a mounted party of six men, and found all safe except Mr. Baillie who had been knocked down and severely cut about the head.
The Indians who committed the deed had made a precipitate retreat and disappeared from the coast. I also learned that they had not entered the Premises, but had attacked Mr. Baillie near the coast, while he was looking for some stray cattle, in company with Grenham & Hilliard two of his labourers, who ran away on the appearance of the Indians, and left Mr. Baillie to deal with them alone. He fought stoutly and knocked two of them down, before he was himself felled to the ground, by a blow on the head; they then seized his gun and must have immediately fled, as we were on the spot, within an hour afterwards, and could discover no trace of the fugitives, except scattered articles of property, which they had left in their flight. I discovered that the Cape Fox Indians, a branch of the Tomgass [sic] Tribe, were the parties who committed that outrage.”
This incident had the effect of setting the whole visiting Indian population aflame, and until the departure of some 500 of these Indians to their northern homes ” the active men of the settlement were all under arms and were employed in guarding the country.”
Presumably it was a party of the Voltigeurs who accompanied Douglas to the scene of the onslaught, and the whole force must have been alerted for the account book shows that the sum of £5/8/4 was paid out for “16 Men called out by Governor Douglas on the 25th of May for the protection of the settlement against an apprehended attack from the Indians.”[29]
The situation was further complicated by the outbreak of the Crimean War and the possibility of a Russian attack from Alaska. Douglas promptly warned the Colonial Office of the defenceless state of the colony and submitted a requisition for arms and accoutrements to equip a force of 500 men, it being his opinion that ” an irregular force of whites and Indians could be raised here and be made exceedingly useful in harassing and impeding the march of an enemy.” Quite properly he assumed the cost of such a force would be borne by the Imperial Government.[30] However, when the Legislative Council discussed the matter on July 12, 1854, their opinion was ” that the small number of whites in the settlement could collectively offer no effectual resistance against a powerful enemy; and it was considered dangerous to arm and drill the natives, who might then become more formidable to the Colony than a foreign enemy.” In consequence, it was decided not to call out the militia but to leave the defence of the colony to the home government. The Council did resolve, as a means of protection:
“. . . to charter the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Propeller “Otter,” armed and manned with a force of thirty hands, including Captain, Officers, and Engineers, and to employ her in watching over the safety of the settlements, until Her Majesty’s Government take some other measures for our protection; and that arrangements be immediately made to carry that resolve into effect.[31]”
The danger had passed by September when it became known that a neutrality agreement had been worked out between the Hudson’s Bay and the Russian American companies. No doubt this fortunate arrangement made it possible for the Colonial Office to announce that it was “unnecessary and unadvisable” to meet the Governor’s requisition,[32] and also for them to refuse any responsibility for meeting the expenses involved in the charter of the Otter as a guard-ship,[33] although this latter decision was ultimately reversed and the account assumed by the Imperial Treasury.[34]
While the danger of foreign attack had thus been resolved, that created by the presence of the northern Indians still remained. On June 21, 1855, the Governor again drew this matter to the attention of his Legislative Council, in consequence of which that body resolved:
“That a Company of ten, to consist of 8 Privates, 1 Corporal, 1 Sergeant, besides a competent officer to act as Commander, be immediately raised and maintained at the public expense until the Northern Savages leave the settlements; and that the pay to be allowed to persons joining the said company is not to exceed the following rates:
Privates 30 dollars per month with rations.
Corporals 31 dollars per month with rations.
Sergeants 33 dollars per month with rations
Their arms and accoutrements to be also provided at the public expense.[35]
Likewise, the Governor again took up the subject with the Colonial Office. In a dispatch dated August 21, 1855, informing the Colonial Secretary, Lord John Russell, that something over 2,000 northern Indians had descended upon the colony, Douglas wrote:
“The presence of so many armed barbarians in a weak and defenceless Colony, was a subject of great and increasing anxiety… I dreaded the sudden ebullitions of temper common to all savages, which any petty difficulty might have called forth…
Besides a general order warning the settlers to be on their guard against violence and treachery, I raised a small police force of four active men, to detach on emergencies to the aid of any settlers, who might apply for assistance, relying otherwise, for defence on the co-operation of the population at large.
Your Lordship must however be aware that a force of peaceful citizens, hastily mustered, and imperfectly armed, are ill adapted for bold measures, and I would strongly recommend that a regular force of 20 or 30 men, should be raised and equipped, for defence, particularly during the presence of the Northern Tribes of Indians, to serve as a nucleus for the civilian force, and to undertake the really dangerous service which none but men of sterling courage are fit to encounter.”[36]
It is difficult to tell whether Douglas considered this ” police force ” as something new or simply as a regularization of the Voltigeurs. Certainly, he did not raise the total force which he had recommended, for he appointed only four men, and these only for the four months July to October, 1855. Joseph Charbonneau and James Newbird, who had served with the Voltigeurs in the Cowichan expedition, were paid £2 a month, and the two new recruits, Celeste Auger and Louis Maurice, £l/10/0.[37] All four received new uniforms and equipment, similar to that issued in 1853, at a cost of £23/0/8[38] and supplies and rations for the period June 23 to October 12 amounted to £27/l/4.[39] In all, Douglas expended £78/2/0 on this force.[40]
John Work, himself a member of the Legislative Council, was his usual cynical self, but perhaps also a little jealous of the younger Chief Factor who had become the Governor, when he referred to this ” police force ” as follows:
“The Governmental dignity assumed appears to me to have anything but a preposses[s]ing impression on strangers altho everything is sacrificed to carry it out as far as possible. I told you before that an appropriation was made to embody a Militia force as it was called of a Sergeant, Corporal and 8 men to protect the Island A Captain was also to be appointed, but of all this imposing force only four Men have yet been embodied viz Charbona, Newbird, Celeste Auger & Louis Maurice. This evening on passing Government house I was surprised to see Charbonna on duty as Centinel with his cap & tassel hatband sky blue Capot, red belt and Moleskin trousers, but he had no gun, probably not being able to arm them with anything better than trading guns, horn & pouch, I can scarcely refrain at times from ridiculing openly such apery, and I don’t know if I do right in refraining from it.”[41]
Work may have chosen to mock the Governor’s efforts at defence, but his colleague on the Legislative Council, John Tod, who by virtue of his years of experience with the Hudson’s Bay Company was also experienced in handling the Indians, knew the urgency of the problem, for in January, 1855, ammunition to the value of £3/14/4 had been delivered to him ” for the purpose of protecting the settlers Cattle in the Neighbourhood of Gonzalo Point from the depredations of wild Indians.”[42] There is every reason to believe that even in this year Douglas had to meet further expenses for the police force, judging by the amount of £3/6/8 paid out for ” 4 Men for protecting the frontier against the inroads of the Indians for 3 days & 1 night.”[43]
The following year the situation became even more critical, partially in consequence of the Indian war raging in Oregon, which made protective measures all the more necessary. By February 1856, northern Indians were already beginning to arrive in the colony and, in anticipation of ” a very large body ” of these savages arriving during the summer, the Legislative Council on February 27 reconfirmed its decision of the previous year and increased the force from ten to thirty. Provision was now made for ” 1 Lieutenant, 1 Sergeant, and 2 Corporals and 26 Privates ” with the same rates of pay as before, and in addition to their arms and accoutrements ” one suit of uniform clothes ” was also to be provided out of public funds.[44]
Douglas lost no time in implementing this resolution, for just a short time previously he had had to order out a force of ten whites and twenty-five Victoria Indians under the command of J. W. McKay to disperse a body of northern Indians located on one of the San Juan Islands who were plundering the deserted habitations of American settlers. On March 1 the Governor wrote to the Colonial Secretary as follows:
“Thirty-eight canoes with upwards of 300 northern Indians, arrived at this place a few days ago, and a very large number are reported to be on the route for the settlements I have, in consequence, with the approbation of the Council commenced, raising a militia force of 30 men, and officers, who will remain embodied during the presence of those savages..
The men who have offered for the Militia Corps have been enlisted at [the rate of cancelled] £2 Sterling a month for privates being considerably less than the pay sanctioned [in the minute cancelled] by Council, which it is not my intention to allow, as long as men can be procured at a lower rate. In fixing the pay of the militia at one Dollar a day for privates the Council had in view, that the volunteers raised in the United States Territory receive from their Government, two dollars a day and rations, and it appeared then a matter of doubt whether men could be raised in this Colony for the public service without the stimulus of high pay.”[45]
The expense, however, still was not inconsiderable, for the account book shows that no less than £181/4/1 was expended during the months of March, April, and May.[46] This included uniforms for twelve men. It is difficult to determine how many men were mustered, but the pay accounts for March, amounting to £15/13/11, covered Captain W. J. Macdonald,[47] Basil Bottineau, and an unspecified number of privates; those for April, amounting to £27/16/1, included at least twelve privates; and for May the £37/0/5 included Lieutenant Henry McNeill,[48] Sergeant B. Bottineau, and sixteen privates, one by the name of Robilliard.
Apparently about this time the Voltigeurs were put on horseback and assigned more or less systematic patrol duties, judging by Douglas’s report to the Hudson’s Bay Company:
“The Militia, about 16 in number, have been of great service, in maintaining the peace and detachments are frequently sent to visit the isolated settlements for their protection.”[49]
This is confirmed by Martha Cheney, then living at Metchosin with her uncle, Thomas Blinkhorn, who noted in her diary:
“[April 1, 1855] The 1st Lieutenant with 8 Soldiers came down to inquire after our welfare, and to afford us protection in case of any disturbance with the Indians. [April 15, 1855] The Voltizeurs [sic] payed [sic] us their usual visit last Tuesday, they come once a fortnight [sic].
[July 4, 1855] Lieutenant McNeil and 8 men came down to enquire after our welfare, &c.”[50]
The Voltigeurs were kept busy during most of the year on routine duties, for one farmer alone reported the loss of 36 head of cattle in three years.[51] The strength of the force varied from month to month, judging by the pay accounts.[52]
June £34/16/9 Lt. McNeill, 1 Corporal, 15 Privates.
July £36/4/6 Lt. McNeill, 18 Privates.
August £34/0/8 Lt. McNeill, 16 Privates.
September £40/13/4 17 Privates.
October £39/14/0 Sgt. Bottineau, Privates C. Auger, L. Maurice, J. Newbird and Jos. Charbonneau.
The total operating charges for the year ending October 31, 1856, amounted to £625/11/3.[53]
This did not include the expenses of another full-scale expedition to Cowichan late in August, 1856, arising out of the attempted murder of Thomas Willams by a Cowichan Indian. In this instance Douglas appealed to Rear-Admiral H. W. Bruce for assistance, which was promptly provided, and early in September the Governor was able to report as follows:
“The expeditionary force was composed of about 400 of Her Majesty’s Seamen and marines under Commander Matthew Connolly and 18 Victoria Voltigeurs commanded by Mr. McDonald of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s service. My own personal staff consisted of Mr. Joseph McKay and Mr. Richard Golledge, also of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s service…
In marching through the thickets of the Cowegin valley the Victoria Voltigeurs were with my own personal staff, thrown well in advance of the seamen and marines formed in single file, to scour the woods and guard against surprise…
I may also remark . . . that not a single casualty befel the expeditionary force during its brief campaign, nor was a single Indian the criminal excepted, personally injured, while their property was carefully respected.
The expedition remained at Cowegin two days after the execution of the offender to re-establish friendly relations with the Cowegin Tribe, and we succeeded in that object, to my entire satisfaction.”[54]
Subsequently the cost of this expedition was calculated at £77/7/3.[55]
The Cowichan expedition was the last major engagement in which the Voltigeurs were involved. In point of fact their period of usefulness was nearly over. Ships of the Royal Navy now made more frequent calls at Esquimalt, and Rear-Admiral Bruce had indicated his intention of leaving one of his ships there for the protection of the colony.[56] No doubt the Indians were beginning to be overawed by the forces ranged against them. During the fiscal year ending October 31, 1857, the expenses for the Voltigeurs declined to £50/5/9. Sergeant Bottineau continued to be active for a considerable period, and from June 8 to August 3 Lieutenant McNeill and three new recruits—Privates Ebony, Juano, and Tom Keave, for whom new uniforms were provided—drew £18/13/4 in pay.[57]
Curiously enough, in the last year for which accounts are available the expenses charged to the Militia Account rose to £134/14/0, of which £17/15/0 represented additional expenses arising from the 1856 Cowichan expedition.[58] During November, 1857, Lieutenant McNeil would appear to have been the only person kept on strength, but at least a temporary reorganization was effected for the four months December, 1857, to March, 1858. During this period, the following personnel were employed:[59]
Lieutenant Henry McNeil (January to March).
Sergeant Basil Bottineau (December).
Privates Max Lavoie (December to March).
Louis Maurice
L. Lavoie
Leon Morel
D. Bouche
Tom Keave
Balan
Tamaree[60]
Pakee
In addition, barrack accommodation was also for the first time provided, for which James Yates was paid £4/3/4 for four months.[61]
Designed primarily to deal with Indian law-breakers, the Victoria Voltigeurs had served their purpose. The gold-rush of 1858 was to bring a flood of new people to the island colony as weU as to the adjacent mainland, and the altered circumstances made it imperative to create a new body for the enforcement of the law. As the white population increased in number, the threat of Indian outrages became less significant, and the colourful little force, so dear to the heart of Governor Douglas, was consequently disbanded.
- A. MCKELVIE. COBBLE HILL, B.C.
WILLARD E. IRELAND. PROVINCIAL ARCHIVES
[1] Victoria Colonist, lune 15, 1861.
[2] See Willard E. Ireland, “The Appointment of Governor Blanshard,” British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VIII (1944), pp. 213-226; and W. Kaye Lamb, “The Governorship of Richard Blanshard,” ibid., XTV (1950), pp. 1-40.
[3] See Willard E. Ireland, ” Pre-Confederation Defence Problems of the Pacific Colonies,” Canadian Historical Association Annual Report, 1941, pp. 41-54.
[4] Blanshard to Earl Grey, August 18, 1850. Vancouver Island, Governor Blanshard, Dispatches to London, 1849-1851, MS., Archives of B.C. Unless otherwise indicated, all manuscript material subsequently cited may be found in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia
[5] Blanshard to Grey, September 18, 1850. Ibid.
[6] Grey to Blanshard, March 20, 1851. Great Britain, Colonial Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855.
[7] to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855. (7) Douglas to Sir George Simpson, May 21, 1851, private. H.B.C. Archives, D 5/30, quoted in Ireland, ” Pre-Confederation Defence Problems,” C.H.A. Report, 1941, p. 44, n. 13.
[8] Douglas to Archibald Barclay, March 21, 1851. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of Vancouver Island Colony, May 16, 1850, to November 6, 1855
[9] Douglas to J. D. Pemberton, March 2, 1859. Vancouver Island, Lands and Works Department, Colonial Surveyor, Correspondence Inward, January 1852, to November 1866. On the Victoria District Official Map, 1858, Nicholas Allger [Auger?] is shown as holding Section LXXXIII (19.83 acres); Jean Baptiste Jollibois, Section LXXX (19.35 acres); and John Lemon, Section XVIIIA (29 acres). Identification of these three individuals is inconclusive. It is possible that J. B. Jollibois was the ” Jolibois ” who met with a fatal accident on October 5, 1861, at which time the Victoria Colonist of October 7 described him as ” an old man named Jolibois .. . a French Canadian and aged about 60 years. He was formerly in the employ of the Hudson Bay Company and leaves a family.”
[10] Douglas to Grey, April 15, 1852. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24, 1855. Dr. J. S. Helmcken in his Reminiscences, 1892, Vol. Ul, pp. 88-90, tells of his part in this affray. But in addition, he gives an indication of the courage and coolness of Douglas that made him so much feared and admired by the Indians. After Helmcken had lost his hat and had been forced to retire bare headed across the harbour to the shelter of the fort, Douglas insisted upon the two of them strolling leisurely up and down in front of the stockade while the bullets were whistling from across the water
[11] Douglas to Grey, April 15, 1852.
[12] For Captain Kuper’s version of the incident see “Four Letters relating to the Cruise of the Thetis, 1852-53,” ed. W. Kaye Lamb, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI (1942), pp. 199-203
[13] Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, May 16, 1850, to November 6, 1855. This letter has been reproduced in full in ” Four Letters…,” BCHQ, VI (1942), pp. 203-206. In the diary of James Douglas, Private Papers, Second Series, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif., a transcript of which is in the Provincial Archives, it is noted under date January 7: “The forces were mustered early this morning . . . the Voltigeurs in the Steamer’s Small boat.”
[14] Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853. Essentially the same information was sent to the Colonial Office. See Douglas to Sir John S. Pakington, January 21, 1853. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24, 1855. Again to quote from Douglas’s diary under date January 11: ” The pinnace well armed with her proper complement and five marines, making in all twenty one voltigeurs in a canoe under the command of McKay, acting under the orders of Lieut. Moresby were despatched this morning before daylight to be concealed near the mouth of the Nanaimo River, until the Indians assembled about the vessel, when they were to make a rapid push for the village, and to seize the murderer if found there. . .”
[15] John T. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 1592-1906, Ottawa, 1909, p. 197.
[16] Transcript, pp. 43-44.
[17] Douglas to John Tod, January 7, 1853. James Douglas, Private Papers, Second Series, Transcript, pp. 36-38.
[18] Hudson’s Bay Company Accounts with Government Departments, 1852- 1859 (hereafter cited as H.B.C. Accounts), pp. 6-37 passim.
[19] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-37
[20] Douglas to Barclay, January 20, 1853.
[21] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-9
[22] Bottineau, variously referred to as Bazil, Basil, or Baptiste, was a friend of Francois Satakarata and was evidently at Fort Rupert in 1850, for Dr. J. S. Helmcken in his journal of occurrences during his visit to the fort noted under date July 1: “12 A.M. Baptiste or Bazil Bottineau complained of having been refused to go northward in the Steam vessel Beaver, belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Co, altho expressly agreed upon between him & the Co.” Helmcken wrote to Chief Trader George Blenkinsop to secure copies of the agreement, which when they came to hand did not substantiate Bottineau’s claim. He was then advised to wait until John Work returned to the fort. By the time Work returned on August 18 the greater number of the men at Fort Rupert had returned to duty, presumably including Bottineau. See Vancouver Island—Courts, Magistrate’s Court, Fort Rupert, Diary, June 27 to August 20, 1850. By J. S. Helmcken, J.P.
[23] The only information on Charbonneau which has been found occurs in a letter of Edward Coker to J. D. Pemberton, April 29, 1862, enclosed in Pemberton to W. A. G. Young, May 6, 1862, in which Coker applied unsuccessfully for a lease of 5 acres of the Government reserve at South Saanich for four or six years for the purpose of locating a house and cultivating the soil for the benefit of ” a native woman .. . a member of the tribe located at that point. . .. The person I refer to is the widow of Joseph Charbino (some years dead), an old servant of the H.B. Co.—she is also well and favourably known to Govr. Douglases famely [sic], and others of the gentlefolk, of the Island. She is a[t] present and has been for some years liveing [sic] in Victoria.”
[24] Newbird may have died in 1857, for in the Casual Poor Account, June 1857, there is an entry “For 10 Com. Cot. Shirts, expenses discovering & examining Newbird’s remains 2/6 £1/5/0.” H.B.C. Accounts, p. 237.
[25] Satakarata may have been a Kanaka. As previously noted in footnote 22 he was at Fort Rupert in 1850, for Dr. J. S. Helmcken in the report based on his journal which he sent to Governor Blanshard on July 2, 1850, noted: “Francois Satakarata applied for admission into this fort at 11 P.M. June 29th, 1850. He was brought before me as having deserted from the steamer ‘ Beaver’.” It appeared that he had agreed at Fort Victoria under the impression that a friend of his, Basil Bottineau was about to proceed Northward but finding that such was not the case he had deserted in the hope of obtaining permission to work at this fort. ” Mr. Blenkinsop, wishing to employ the man & considering it to be the same service I consented. Moreover, we have not the means for keeping persons prisoners.” Vancouver Island—Courts, Magistrate’s Court, Fort Rupert, Reports to Governor Blanshard, July 2 and 17, 1850.
[26] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 10, 17.
[27] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 6-9
[28] Douglas to Barclay, June 15, 1854. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, May 16, 1850, to November 6, 1855.
[29] H.B.C. Accounts, p. 51.
[30] Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, May 16, 1854 (No. 27). Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24, 1855.
[31] Minutes of the Council of Vancouver Island, 1851-1861, ed. E. O. S. Scholefield, Victoria, 1918 (Archives of British Columbia Memoir No. II), p. 25.
[32] Sir George Grey to Douglas, August 5, 1854. Great Britain, Colonial Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855.
[33] Sir George Grey to Douglas, December 18, 1854. Ibid.
[34] William Molesworth to Douglas, August 3, 1855. Ibid
[35] Minutes of the Council, p. 27.
[36] Douglas to Lord John Russell, August 21, 1855. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, October 31, 1851, to November 24, 1855. In reply Douglas was informed that the Colonial Secretary admitted ” the utility of a Police force ” and saw ” no objection to the establishment of a sufficient force for that purpose, but you must understand that all expenses connected with its formation and maintenance must be defrayed from the local Revenue or by the Hudson’s Bay Company.” Grey to Douglas, November 12, 1855. Great Britain, Colonial Office, Dispatches to Vancouver Island, July 21, 1849, to December 24, 1855.
[37] H.B.C. Accounts, p. 107.
[38] Ibid., pp. 94-95.
[39] Ibid., p. 110.
[40] Ibid., p. 148.
[41] ) John Work to Dr. Wm. F. Tolmie, July 30, 1855. Work Correspondence Outwards
[42] H.B.C. Accounts, p. 85.
[43] Ibid., p. 107.
[44] Minutes of the Council, p. 28.
[45] Douglas to Sir George Grey, March 1, 1856. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, December 10, 1855, to June 6, 1859. Similar information was also sent to W. G. Smith, secretary to the Hudson’s Bay Company, in a letter dated March 5, 1856, in which Douglas warned the company as he had already warned Grey: ” This will lead to a serious expense but I conceive it would be unwise to neglect so necessary a precaution, in the present Circumstances of the Colony, more especially when it is considered that the maintenance of a small force now, may have the effect of preventing much future evil and expense to the Colony.” Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, December 11, 1855, to July 8, 1859.
[46] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 177-179.
[47] William John Macdonald, born in the Isle of Skye in 1829, came to Vancouver Island in the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1851 and became prominent in the commercial and political life of the colony. In 1871 he was one of the first three Senators appointed in consequence of Confederation, which office he held until 1915. He died on October 25, 1916. In his reminiscences, printed under the title A Pioneer, 1851, published in Victoria, about 1914, for 1856 he wrote (p. 11): ” In addition to office duty I had to train and organize a body of 50 armed men to guard the Coast from the depredations of the Northern Indians, who used to land on their way home and shoot cattle,” and for 1858, along with other duties he listed (p. 13) ” Captain of Militia.”
[48] Henry McNeill was the son of a long-time servant of the Hudson’s Bay Company, Captain William Henry McNeill, and his Indian wife, a chieftainess of the Kaigani division of the Haida tribe. See Dr. J. S. Helmcken, Reminiscences, 1892, Vol. HI, p. 16.
[49] Douglas to William G. Smith, April 1, 1855. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, December 11, 1855, to July 8, 1859.
[50] “Diary of Martha Cheney Ella, 1853-56,” ed. J. K. Nesbitt, British Columbia Historical Quarterly, XUI (1949), pp. 262, 263, 265.
[51] James Deans to Mr. Monteith, May 12, 1878. See his “Settlement of Vancouver Island,” Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif., transcript in the Provincial Archives, p. 6.
[52] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 183-185, 187-189, 195. 199-200, 205.
[53] Ibid., p. 213.
[54] Douglas to Henry Labouchere, September 6, 1856. Vancouver Island, Governor Douglas, Dispatches to London, December 10, 1855, to June 6, 1859.
[55] H.B.C. Accounts, p. 263.
[56] Douglas to W. G. Smith, August 19, 1865. Fort Victoria, Correspondence Outward to H.B.C. on affairs of V.I. Colony, December 11, 1855, to July 8, 1859.
[57] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 222, 234, 239, 242, 250, 260, 263.
[58] H.B.C. Accounts, pp. 269-273, 276, 278, 281, 302, 326.
[59] Ibid., pp. 272-281.
[60] Tamaree or Tamarcee is named by Helmcken as one of the ” seven Kanaka Indians, whose term of service [with the H.H.B. Co.] has expired. . . .” See the letter to R. Brown, July 10, 1850, in the Fort Rupert diary cited in footnote 22 above.
[61] H.B.C. Accounts, p. 281.